The prevalence of positive illusions is one of the most well-established findings in psychology. Most people have an exaggerated view of their own abilities and expect that more good things – and fewer bad things – will happen to them than expected.
Although unrealistic, such beliefs have benefits: overly positive people are happier, cope better with adversity, and believe they have more control over their lives. Believing that things are a little better than they really are may be essential for strong mental health.
In a similar way, many citizens hold overly positive, but perhaps necessary, beliefs about their country. A sense of national pride can strengthen a community and bring people together, and is often a sign of a thriving democracy. In the United States, one source of patriotism is American exceptionalism—the idea that the United States is a unique and uniquely superior nation. With its origins as a democracy in a world of monarchies and its emphasis on freedom and opportunity, this narrative argues that the American system is out of the ordinary.
Among young people, this faith is dying quickly. Since 1976, a large, nationally representative poll has asked U.S. high school seniors, ages 17 to 18, whether they agree that “despite its many faults, our system of doing things is still the best in “The World”: A Fairly Brief Summary of American Exceptionalism. In the early 1980s, 67% of high school seniors agreed that the American system was better. By 2022, only 27% had done so. Consequently, only one in four American teens now agree that their country is exceptional.
The decline appears to be mostly unrelated to national events. Belief in American exceptionalism declined during the Great Recession of the late 2000s, as well as during the economic boom years of the 2000s. It declined when the United States was at war and also when it was at peace. It declined as income inequality expanded rapidly, from 1980 to 2000, and also as inequality declined after 2000.
Support for the idea is now particularly unpopular among liberal teenagers. In the late 1990s, the majority agreed that the American system was better. By 2021-2022, this proportion had shrunk to 14%, or just one in seven. (Belief in American exceptionalism declined among conservative teens as well, but much less: 47% of conservative teens believed in the idea in 2021-2022.)
Even the belief that the founding of the United States was a positive development appears to be on the wane: a recent Democracy Fund poll asked Americans whether the Founders would be better described as villains or “heroes.” Four out of 10 Gen Zers chose “villains,” compared to just one in 10 Boomers. If your country's founders were the bad guys rather than the good guys, it would be very difficult to believe that its system is the best in the world — or even worth defending. (Ideas about America are not the only beliefs that have trended toward pessimism among American youth in the past two decades. In early 2002, for example, 23% of high school seniors agreed with the statement “When I think of all the terrible things,” and since It happens, it is difficult for me to place much hope in the world.”
Rigid views about a nation's status and potential may shape its future. Generation Z may be disappointed, but it's not so nihilistic: young people today are also more interested in taking action than previous generations. From 2014 to 2021-2022, a growing number of high school seniors agreed that protesting and voting could have a “huge impact on how things are run in this country.” Voter turnout among young people among Generation Z was higher than in previous generations at the same age, and political protests appear to have become more frequent in the eight or so years since Generation Z arrived on college campuses.
This, of course, can lead to positive changes. It can be said that one of the most important American ideals is that the American project is not yet complete, and that society can be improved generation after generation. Throughout American history, discontent, even justified anger, have been important correctives to loose or ill-considered feelings about the goodness of the country, which when unchallenged can perpetuate injustice.
But many members of Generation Z seem convinced that radical change is necessary to the model of government, economy, and culture. In a 2020 poll I analyzed for my book Generations, three out of four Gen Z Americans — more than any other generation — agreed that “major changes” were needed in the “fundamental design and structure” of government. Nearly two-thirds believe America is not a “just society,” a higher percentage again than among seniors. In a 2018 Gallup poll, people ages 18 to 29 had a more favorable view of socialism (51%) than capitalism (45%). It seems that some ideals and ideals that were generally accepted in previous generations have become more malleable to young people today.
Why has Generation Z turned so decisively toward disillusionment and away from seeing their country as superior?
One reason may be their mental health: twice as many teens and young adults are suffering from depression as they were in early 2010. This is a tragedy, and one that will likely have widespread implications. Depression is not just about emotions; It's also about perception. By definition, depressed people see the world in a more negative light. They are less likely to see positive things, including in their country. Increases in depression rates are greater among liberals, consistent with greater declines in their belief in American exceptionalism.
Changes in news consumption may also play a role. When newspapers were read on paper, all news—positive and negative—was printed together. Now negative news is king. Negative articles are almost twice as likely to be shared on social media as positive articles. Social media algorithms spread angry and divisive content. With Gen Z getting most of its information online, it views the country through a negatively skewed entertainment mirror.
The third reason may lie in the transformations that have occurred in American history curricula in high schools. Some countries – usually liberal – are spending more time than they did before dealing with unfortunate facts in the nation's history, such as the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, the massacre of Native Americans, and the founders' ownership of slaves. This coverage identifies facts that students need to know, but, especially if these events are emphasized more than the country's noble endeavours, it may also undermine feelings of national pride.
Finally, Generation Z's engagement with social media may itself be coloring the generation's views. Generation Z has learned that making a problem seem as big and terrible as possible is a very effective way to get attention on social media. Many problems are often portrayed as deep and systemic, and can only be solved through radical rethinking and institutional cleansing. It makes everything seem worse than it is.
What worries me, as a social psychologist who has studied every living American generation, is that these different forces—and the pessimism they have generated—could push Generation Z to change systems that are not necessarily broken. This is especially important as this generation comes of age and rises to political power. Despite the common perception that the system is “rigged” and that young people will never have the wealth achieved by, say, baby boomers, the St. Louis Federal Reserve recently found that young millennials and Gen Z actually own 25 percent more wealth than Boomer wealth. At the same age. The inflation-adjusted median income of young Americans is at an all-time high, and poverty rates among children and younger adults are lower than they were in the early 2000s. The social media-driven machine of negativity may have prevented Generation Z — and all of us — from seeing the good news.
Just as the positive views we hold of ourselves may be exaggerated, the idea that the United States is uniquely superior is also, at least in part, an overly optimistic illusion we tell ourselves as a country. But like our positive self-delusions, patriotism also has its benefits, including a more satisfied citizenry and greater political stability. With Generation Z unconvinced by the country's exceptionalism and willing to take action, the United States may witness an era of extraordinary political change in the coming decades.