I grew up in Mexico during the 1980s, learning that the United States was an enemy to fear, an imperialist force that stole half of our country. For decades, generations of gay Mexicans were feeding on the anti -United States spoon at school.
This mentality began slowly to change after the Free Trade Agreement in North America entered into force in 1994. This led to high levels of economic cooperation and cultural appreciation. Mexico has become a better tourist destination for its northern friends. Government visits by American presidents turned into a reason to celebrate instead of anxiety, and for many Mexicans, the ugly American became an indispensable partner. I began to boast that my three children, born to Mexican mother and a Canadian father, and with an American grandfather, were symbols of North America's integration.
But today, as a result of President Trump's definitions in the direct time and the position of fighting Mexico strongly, the two countries risk slipping to each other as enemies. Through Browbeting Mexico and long -walled war pain, it risk preparing an essential ally and friend. If Mr. Trump raises the historical anti -America historical feelings and loses Mexico's cooperation, he will not receive borders and war against the cartridges he wants. Mexican alienation is self -defeat.
In its response to the 25 percent US tariff for Mexico, President Claudia Xinbom said, in response to the 25 percent US tariff for Mexican imports. “No one wins this decision,” she said at a press conference on the morning of March 4. In that evening, Mr. Trump addressed Congress; The US President referred to immigration as an invasion, and used a language engraved about the need to fight the war on Mexican drug gangs. It does not matter that the Mexican government just a few days ago sent members of the Council of Ministers to Washington to discuss security and cooperation, and that Marco Rubio expressed his appreciation for the actions of Mexico to secure the common borders. Mr. Trump conveyed the target posts again, indicating that Mexico did not do enough, and Mrs. Shinbom was suspended until it dries.
Mrs. Shinbom has bent back to please Mr. Trump and avoid imposing definitions. 10,000 Mexican soldiers were sent to the border, closed a large number of fentanel laboratories and 29 cartel leaders to the United States. It allowed America to spy planes and drones to fly to Mexican lands. In response, the White House continued to distort a friend and ally.
Mr. Trump's executive order to rename the Gulf of Mexico as the Gulf of America was also considered an insult. Mrs. Shinbom sent a message to Google, and explained the historical and legal roots of the name Mexicans. (Currently, users in the United States see the name “The Gulf of America”, who see in Mexico “the Gulf of Mexico”. People elsewhere see both names).
All this is a shame, because many of the gains of the past are threatened. Along with the beginning of warmer relations, NAFTA, and now the United States and Mexico-Canda agreement brought economic benefits to both American and Mexican consumers, which led to a reduction in the prices of goods produced on both sides of the border. Mexico has turned into an integral manufacturing power and part of supply chains that brought better and cheapest products to the United States market. Avocado and Mexican tomatoes have become essential in American families, while Mexicans have become buying for American products, with the spread of Walmarts and Costcos throughout the country.
Free trade also had major political repercussions in Mexico. Previously, the country's economy has suffered from the catastrophic popular policies that led to contracts of economic crises. During the 1980s and early 1990s, frequent repetitions pushed value, inflation and widespread migration to the United States. NAFTA helped put an end to this instability by creating the rules and regulations that prevented future Mexican presidents from the age of protective commercial barriers to record political points. American investment, limited in the past by national legislation, has been welcomed.
The best relations led to more cooperation on multiple fronts, including efforts to control illegal immigration and develop the Merida initiative for the year 2007, aimed at fighting drug trafficking and violence that worsened in Mexico at the beginning of the twenty -first century.
Free trade was not free of negative aspects, and most importantly, the loss of American manufacturing functions as companies move to Mexico. But Mr. Trump's dream of forcing factories to return to the United States by imposing a customs tariff reveals his lack of understanding of the depth of North America's integration. Decreases in the American stock markets emphasize how companies invested deeply in trade and supply chains with Mexico with Mr. Trump's move and the threat of economic recession.
The definition weapon is to extract concessions, including accepting the deportation of immigrants from other countries and pressing Mexico to a Chinese investment, a daily threat. But Mexico has a small space for maneuver, due to its dependence on the American market by 80 percent of its exports. According to many predictions, Mr. Trump's tariff will force the country's economy to a tail.
While Canada has prepared itself with revenge definitions, Mexico is in a complex position. Left factions of Ms. Xinbum Party can be pressured to take a more combat position towards Mr. Trump, or can risk seeing them as weak. But the confrontation position is more risked by inciting the anger of Mr. Trump, with unexpected consequences. A recent poll published in the El Fantormiero newspaper found that Mexicans are increasingly pessimistic about relations with the United States, where positive views decreased to 33 percent in January 2025 from 61 percent in August 2024. Another poll also revealed a decrease from 29 points to 24 January of 53 percent in March 2023-Mexican support cooperation with the United States.
So who will benefit from the divorce of the United States and Mexico? Russia and China, for the beginning. The President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, does not want to see a growing and unstable Mexico with the United States, given that his goal is to increase the impact in Russia in the global south. China is preparing to take advantage of investment opportunities, markets and geopolitical influence in a country that the United States is used to as a close friend.
Mr. Trump may think that Mexico's alienation is a little price to pay to make America great again. But given the need to cooperate to address the easily penetration borders, the activity of the firm cartel and the continuous fentian flow, the bullying can bring in reverse results. Mr. Trump's goal of “America first” cannot lead to greatness, but only to “America alone” in an increasingly hostile neighborhood.
Denise Dresser is a professor of political science at the Tecnológico Autónomo de México in Mexico City, and he is one of the senior assistants at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and Follow -up of the Teaching Authority at the Snf Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University.
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